Studia Politica. Romanian Political Science Review, vol. XXV, no. 1

ARTICULI - SPECIAL ISSUE

Transformations and Changes in the Left in Central Europe and the Balkans 

coordinated by Jean-Michel De Waele 

JEAN-MICHEL DE WAELE (University of Brussels), ANTHONY PERSONA (University of Brussels)

Introduction to the Special Issue: The Left-Wing Parties in Central and Eastern Europe, Trajectory of a Decline from the Post-Communist Transition

This article reviews the electoral results of left-wing parties in Central and Eastern Europe since 1991 and the fall of Communism. By following the trajectories of left-wing parties, we can identify a three-phase periodization leading to the decline of left-wing parties. First, the reform of the heirs to communism, who converted to Western social democracy and reformed their political élite. This period is characterized by electoral success and government participation for the heirs of communism who have become social democrats. Then came the accession negotiations with the European Union, which brought the European issue to the forefront of the region’s agenda. The social-democratic parties held the issue, giving themselves an image of modernizers with the promise of social and economic progress. This period was marked by even greater electoral success, demonstrating the strength of these parties. Finally, the decline which followed the disillusionment of EU membership after 2008: social-democratic parties have lost their status as modernizers and are no longer able to regain a foothold in society, to the benefit of radical right-wing parties. This periodization leads us to consider the state of the left in the region today, and its reconstruction.

Keywords: Central and Eastern Europe, elections, left-wing parties, political decline, post-communist transition

Jean-Michel De Waele (Université Libre de Bruxelles), jean-michel.de.waele@ulb.be, ORCID: 0009-0005-0307-2637

Anthony Persona (Université Libre de Bruxelles), anthony.persona@ulb.be, ORCID: 0009-0005-0301-2503 

DOI: 10.62229/sprps25-1/1 

BEKIM BALIQI (University of Prishtina), 

From a Social Movement to a Left-Wing Party: The Study of Vetëvendosje in Kosovo

This research examines the mobilization strategies employed by Vetëvendosje, a left-wing political party in Kosovo, as it transitioned from a grassroots anti-establishment movement to a governing party. In the context of socio-economic inequality, democratic instability, and the legacy of post-communism, the study examines how populist mobilization serves as both a political tool and electoral strategy for social movements transitioning into political parties. Thus, it raises the following research questions: What factors enabled Vetëvendosje to maintain institutional legitimacy after its transition? How did populist mobilization influence its ideology and electoral outcomes? Through process tracing and content analysis of party manifestos, the research evaluates the evolution of populist discourse and its impact on electoral performance. By analyzing changes in identity and narrative within Vetëvendosje, this study contributes to broader discussions on social movements and the transformation of left-wing parties in post-communist societies.

Keywords: Social Movements, Left-wing parties, Populism, Vetëvendosje, Kosovo

Bekim Baliqi (University of Prishtina), bekim.baliqi@uni-pr.edu, ORCID: 0000-0001-9010-4601

DOI: 10.62229/sprps25-1/2

BARTOSZ M. RYDLIŃSKI (Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University in Warsaw), 

Communist Heritage as the Welfare State Point of Reference. Poland’s Case Study 

This study explores the legacy of the communist welfare state in Poland and its impact on contemporary social democracy. It examines how Polish leftist parties have engaged with the socio-economic achievements of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL) while navigating post-communist political cleavages. Through historical and comparative analysis, the paper investigates how Polish social democracy has used its communist heritage in shaping its policy agenda, particularly regarding welfare provisions such as housing, education, and healthcare. The findings suggest that while the Polish left has at times strategically employed the achievements of the PRL in political discourse, recent shifts – marked by a retreat from this historical narrative – have weakened its electoral appeal. The study raises questions about whether Polish social democracy can leverage its historical legacy to advocate for a stronger welfare state in an era of neoliberal dominance.

Keywords: Poland, social democracy, communist heritage, welfare state

Bartosz M. Rydliński (Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University), b.rydlinski@uksw.edu.pl, ORCID: 0000-0002-5676-8639

DOI: 10.62229/sprps25-1/3

JORDAN JORGJI (Fan S. Noli University),

What Constitutes the Left in Albania? Defining Communist Successor and Other Left-Wing Parties

The Left in Albania has long been synonymous with the communist successor, most notably represented by the Socialist Party of Albania (SPA). Emerging from the Cold War era, the SPA inherited not only the ideological framework, but also the political dominance that had been characteristic of communist rule. Over the past three decades, the SPA has remained one of Albania’s two dominant political parties, blending elements of socialist ideology with certain authoritarian tendencies. This legacy has contributed to an ideological and democratic void that other parties, particularly extra-parliamentary ones, have sought to fill. Among these, the Movement Together (MT) and the Hashtag Initiative (HI) have emerged as significant actors. Given the scarcity of comprehensive scholarship on Albania’s political landscape, this paper presents Albania as a case study to define and classify communist successor and other left-wing parties, drawing on frameworks applied in Central and Eastern Europe. The paper compares the platforms and political rhetoric of the SPA, MT, and HI, with a particular focus on the SPA’s conduct while in government. Moreover, the internal characteristics of these parties is examined to provide a nuanced understanding of Albania’s domestic political environment and what defines the Left in Albania.

Keywords: Left-wing parties, etatist socialism, centrist-left gap, progressive parties, nationalism, populism

Jordan Jorgji (Fan S. Noli University), jjorgji@unkorce.edu.al, ORCID: 0000-0001-5630-401X

DOI: 10.62229/sprps25-1/4

ANTONY TODOROV (New Bulgarian University),

Conditions for the (Re)Construction of Progressive Left in Bulgaria

The political left in Bulgaria experienced a deep crisis over the last eight years having lost mostly eighty percent of its electorate. The main left-wing party operated an ideological shift to a kind of left nationalism and conservative socialism, trying to recover its support. On the other side there are numerous NGOs, initiatives, media platforms and even think-tanks, small in size, scattered everywhere, which identify themselves as center-left, socially sensitive, feminist, anti-racist even anti-capitalist. Their ideologies seem to be close to the progressive European left. But often they work separately and quite are reserved towards the political left. The article explores the conditions, the opportunities, and the obstacles for a possible reconstruction of an influential and progressive left political actor in Bulgaria.

Keywords: Bulgaria, politics, progressive left, conservative socialism

Antony Todorov (New Bulgarian University in Sofia), atodorov@nbu.bg, ORCID: 0000-0002-0154-4881

DOI: 10.62229/sprps25-1/5

TOMÁŠ CIRHAN, MATTIA COLLINI (Charles University), 

The Crisis of the Left in the Czech Republic, a Party-Elite Perspective (KSČM and SOCDEM) 

For approximately two decades, the Czech Republic has stood out as an outlier in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), being the only country where a largely unreformed communist successor party, the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSČM), has consistently enjoyed stable and significant electoral support. Simultaneously, a robust social-democratic left with no direct ties to the former communist party played a major role in Czech politics. The Czech Social Democratic Party (ČSSD), originally founded in 1878, having been the largest or second-largest party in the country for over a decade. However, in the broader European context of left-wing decline and the rise of anti-establishment populist challengers, both parties have experienced sharp electoral downturns. In the 2021 elections, KSČM lost its parliamentary representation, a fate shared by ČSSD, now renamed Sociální Demokracie (SOCDEM), which faces an even deeper crisis. These setbacks occurred alongside the rise of new populist forces such as ANO and Freedom and Direct Democracy (SPD), which have drawn support from traditional centre-left constituencies. Despite these challenges, both parties remain politically active, with KSČM experiencing a modest revival under a more nationalist-conservative orientation. In light of this context, this paper has two primary aims. First, it traces the electoral decline of KSČM and SOCDEM over the past decade by analyzing election results and party positioning. Second, it explores how party elites interpret the crisis and identify potential sources of resilience. Methodologically, the study combines quantitative data with qualitative interviews and party document analysis. Overall, it contributes to understanding the crisis and transformation of the Czech left within the recent political landscape, as well as its implications for the broader crisis of the left in Eastern Europe.

Keywords: party politics, social democracy, radical left, Eastern Europe, elites

Tomáš Cirh (Charles University), tomas.cirhan@fsv.cuni.cz, ORCID: 0000-0002-5612-3160

Mattia Collini (Charles University), mattia.collini@fsv.cuni.cz, ORCID: 0000-0002-0472-8045

DOI: 10.62229/sprps25-1/6

MICHEL PEROTTINO (Charles University),

At the Roots of the Current Transformation of the Czech Communist Party

A century after the Communist Party was formed in Czechoslovakia, it still exists, as a survivor of several crises. After 1989, it has been seen as a relic of the former Communist regime as it was supposed to disappear quickly, but this did not happen during the first thirty years of post-Communist evolution. Even if we should have already witnessed the weakening of the basis of the party, it was only during the 2021 General Elections that it became unable to enter the Parliament. After this turning point, it apparently moved towards a more nationalistic stance, turning “brown,” focusing more on illiberal and nationalist rhetorics. This situation became obvious in the frame of the Communists-led Stačilo! (Enough!) coalition for the European elections in 2024. I propose an analysis balancing two possible explanations, on the one side the observation of a new orientation explained by the current electoral crisis masking a hidden identity deeply rooted in the history (a party change in the Gauja 2016 sense).

Keywords: Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia, Party change, Illiberalism, Populism

Michel Perottino, PhD (Charles University), perottino@fsv.cuni.cz, ORCID: 0000-0002-1910-4075

DOI: 10.62229/sprps25-1/7

VARIA

JOCHEN FRANZKE (University of Potsdam), PETR JÜPTNER (Charles University), ŠTĚPÁN HOFMAN (Ministry of Industry and Trade), JAKUB ČAPEK (Charles University in Prague)

Local Elections Without Competition, Plurality and Parties? Case Studies of the Czech Republic and Brandenburg

At a time of pervasive changes in political communication, political values, leadership, and institutionalization of political actors, the need to verify more accurately how local politics in small municipalities work emerges. Both regarding the actual role of these political systems and the character of representation and participation. This article explores the mechanisms of representation and participation in the case of the Czech Republic, exhibiting the most fragmented municipal structure in Europe, and the German federal state of Brandenburg, which, owing to demographic problems, encounters problems with effectively consolidating its municipal structure. In accordance with our assumptions, the specificity of representation and participation becomes primarily evident in the most deviant local political systems, void of competition, plurality, or political parties.

Keywords: Municipalities, elections, pluralism, political systems, local candidate lists

Jochen Franzke (University of Potsdam, Kommunalwissenschaftliches Institut Campus Griebnitzsee), jochen.franzke@uni-potsdam.de, ORCID: 0000-0002-8183-7720

Petr Jüptner (Charles University), petr.juptner@fsv.cuni.cz, ORCID: 0000-0002-7146-1758

Štepán Hofman (Ministry of Industry and Trade, Prague, Czech Republic), hofman@mpo.cz, ORCID: 0009-0007-0654-2328 

Jakub Čapek (Charles University), jakub.capek@fsv.cuni.cz, ORCID: 0000-0001-9049-5470

DOI: 10.62229/sprps25-1/8

SILVIA-DIANA SCHECHTER (University of Bucharest),  

The Gamification of Political Participation in the Free Palestine Movement

The purpose of this paper is to familiarize the readership with the phenomenon of gamification, defined as the use of game design elements in non-game contexts, its characteristics and impact on citizens’ trust and political participation. The re-emergence of the Free Palestine Movement on October 7, 2023, which coincides with the resumption of the armed conflict between Israel and the Hamas-led Palestinian militant groups in the Gaza Strip, throws into relief the increasing relevance of political mobilization through digital mediums. This paper seeks to re-energize scrutiny into the role of digital technologies in enhancing citizens’ political participation and the production of alternative knowledge. On TikTok, gamification is an emerging phenomenon with an upward trend that incentivizes the user to engage in political activities under a veneer of gamefulness. Amid the loss of trust in political institutions worldwide, the migration of political activism towards the digital space instils a sense of renewed optimism. In the present study, I attempt to synthesize the existing knowledge centered around gamified political participation, extract findings through game analytics and social media mining, and use other academics’ theories as springboards to answer the question: “What is gamification, and how did it manifest in the Free Palestine Movement?”

Keywords: Free Palestine Movement, gamification, political participation, social networking sites, TikTok ban bill

Silvia-Diana Schechter (University of Bucharest), schechter.silvia-diana@fspub.unibuc.ro, ORCID: 0009-0003-8611-3224

DOI: 10.62229/sprps25-1/9

ROBERT-GABRIEL ȚICĂLĂU (University of Bucharest),
An Analysis of Discourses and Media Statements on the 2024 Parliamentary Elections in Belarus: Strengthening the Hegemonic Authoritarian Façade

After winning his first presidential term in 1994, Alexander Lukashenko laid the foundations of a hegemonic authoritarian regime in Belarus through which he controlled the country with an iron fist. Since 1995, three referendums have been held in this former Soviet republic. As a result, Belarusians have abandoned the national symbols adopted in 1991 in favor of those used during the Soviet era. They also voted for maintaining the death penalty and reducing the powers of the Parliament, which has since been controlled exclusively by the president. In 2022, following a new popular consultation, the Belarusian population granted Alexander Lukashenko the right to rule Belarus until 2035 and to lead the All-Belarusian People’s Assembly, an institution that allows him new prerogatives at the expense of the Legislature. This paper examines the evolution of the 2024 Parliamentary elections, investigating the how the election process was conducted in this former Soviet

republic. The study shows that the electoral process was uncompetitive and marked by the state repression, cooptation, intimidation, and fear, effectively dismantling the democratic façade and strengthening the stability of the current hegemonic authoritarian regime.

Keywords: Belarus, Alexander Lukashenko, elections, authoritarianism, totalitarianism

Robert-Gabriel Țicălău (University of Bucharest), ticalau.robert-gabriel@fspub.unibuc.ro, ORCID: 0009-0000-5738-2458.

DOI: 10.62229/sprps25-1/10

ANNALES

***Chronology of the Romanian Political Life, October 1, 2024 – March 31, 2025 

Under the coordination of Domnica Gorovei, Teodora Lovin and Alexandru-Cristian Găzdaru, the following students of the Faculty of Political Science, University of Bucharest, have contributed to the chronology (press monitoring and/or translation): Gabriel-Nicolae Andrei, Cosmina-Nicoleta Dumitru, Maria Matilda Iacob, Flavia-Vasilica Ivan, Mihai Niculache, Miruna Sobec, Luca Tulvan, Andrei-Laurențiu Zepiși.

DOI: 10.62229/sprps25-1/11

RECENSIONES

Review Essay: Competing Narratives in Hungarian-Romanian Interstate Relations

(TAMÁS SZABÓ, Sapientia Hungarian University of Transylvania)

DOI: 10.62229/sprps25-1/12

Alexandru COHAL, Dorin DOBRINCU, George ȚURCĂNAȘU (editors), Regionalizarea: către un model de bună guvernanță a României [Regionalization: Towards a Good Governance Model for Romania], Iași, Polirom, 2023 (CRISTINA STĂNUȘ, Lucian Blaga University of Sibiu)  

DOI: 10.62229/sprps25-1/13

Radu Carp, Punctul de Cotitură. Ruptură, Continuitate și Transformarea Democrațiilor [The Turning Point. Rupture, Continuity and Transformation of Democracies], Târgoviște, Cetatea de Scaun, 2024 (ȘTEFAN-DANIEL ȚUȚUIANU, University of Bucharest)  

DOI: 10.62229/sprps25-1/14

Studia Politica. Romanian Political Science Review, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2025)

DOI: doi.org/10.62229/sprps25-1