Studia Politica, vol. V, no. 3, 2005
DANIEL BARBU, The Nation Against Democracy. State Formation, Liberalism, and Political Participation in Romania, pp. 549-560
The National Liberal Party was created in 1875, but various radical and liberal factions were already the driving force behind the unification of the Romanian Principalities in 1859. The same factions fomented the coup against prince Cuza in 1866, offered the crown to a foreign dynasty and wrote the Constitution of 1866. Inspired by the Belgian model and amended several times, the Constitution lasted until 1938. A liberal government sent the Romanian army to fight successfully in the Russian-Turkish War of 1877, proclaimed the independence of the country and negotiated its full recognition at the Congress of Berlin one year later. Other liberal governments gave their unremitting support to the Romanian national movement in Transylvania, established a Central Bank and a national credit system, and bloodily crushed the peasant uprising of 1907. Finally, another liberal government overturned the alliance with the Central Powers concluded by the Crown and backed by the Conservatives, took the French and English side in the Great War, resisted the German and Austro-Hungarian invasion, aggrandized the Kingdom of Romania by bringing the Western provinces of Transylvania and Banat into the nation, introduced universal suffrage and set the agrarian reform in motion. From 1866 to 1919, helped by an electoral system based on limited representation, the Liberals held the reins of the government twenty one times, being in charge of the country for 38 years. The Liberals' strategic choice was to build the nation-state at the expense of democracy. In order to assemble and strengthen the political nation they choose to exclude the majority of their countrymen from any significant form of participation in the public life. The reasons and consequences of this option are explored in this paper.
SILVIA MARTON, Liberalii români: între arheologia identitarã și construcția politicã a națiunii la jumãtatea secolului al XIX-lea, pp. 563-582
The Romanian Liberals: From the Identity Archeology to the Political Building of the Nation in the Mid-19th Century
By analyzing the parliamentary debates of 1866-1867 on foreigners' (notably Jews) requests for naturalization and property rights, this article tries to identify the parliamentarians' answers to the following questions: On what grounds were foreigners accepted as Romanian citizens? How did the parliamentarians define the foreigner? What was required from a foreigner in order to become a citizen? The overall objective is to identify some major themes that preoccupied the representatives of the nation, circumscribed around the primordial character of the "union" and of "nationality", with a special focus on the solutions proposed by the liberals. The argument is that the Parliament, by its vote, instead of granting citizenship rights, merely established the conditions according to which one could become a Romanian. In other words, the Romanian legislators considered it to be of outmost importance to recognize the quality of being a Romanian, that is, a member of an ethnic body, and not to define citizenship as a legal membership. "To be a Romanian" was more of an ethnic belonging, a "given", than citizenship or civic loyalty, defined through political and civic rights. It seems that citizenship was crushed by the primordial character of ethnic loyalty and by the weight of the state as expression and guarantor of the Romanian nation. While engaging the parliamentary debates about naturalization, the article attempts, first, to draw more nuanced conclusions about the lately much-debated character of citizenship in Romania and Eastern Europe during the mid-19th century. Secondly, such an analysis may provide a better understanding of the nature of political representation during the same period.
RALUCA ALEXANDRESCU, La démocratie roumaine: vocation ou exercice de volonté?, pp. 583-603
Romanian Democracy: Vocation or Will?
Representing democracy in the 19th century Romanian political discourse means, first of all, to focus the analysis on the implications the concept of democracy could provide. In the period following the 1848 revolution, and especially after 1866, the concept of Romanian democracy and its place within political discourse are conditioned by philosophical and historiographical discontinuities between the periods, by the intellectual sources, by the political and by the institutional framework of that time. In this sense, democracy should be regarded as a fundamental concept to political and institutional development in the last three decades of 19th century. In the critical approach of democracy as it appears in the Romanian political discourse, the vocation or the instinct of being democratic is constantly denied by a more plausible approach - the "volitional" democracy. This aspect might serve as an explanation to the multiple hesitations of the democratic background of the founding Romanian institution. The present article goes on this path, analyzing an example of political discourse in the works of a member of the "1866" generation.
NICOLAS BAUQUET, Les réseaux franco-hongrois et la France, de 1896 à 1914: auxiliaires d’une découverte ou marchands d'illusions?, pp. 605-644
French-Hungarian Networks between 1896 and 1914. Broking Information or Illusions?
The article stresses the importance of networks in the shaping of French public opinion on Hungary. Three groups can be distinguished: professionals of "French-Hungarian friendship", Hungarian personalities involved in making Hungary popular in France, and "French friends of Hungary". In contrast to the common idea of a domination of Romanian or Slavic networks in France at the turn of the century, the analysis of events such as the Millennium Exposition of 1896 in Budapest, the Universal Exposition of 1900 in Paris, or more generally the international congresses flourishing all over Europe at this time - shows a significant increase of (most of time very positive) information transfers from Hungary to France. The specific task of French-Hungarian networks in this "Discovery of Hungary" was to link together Hungarian political illusions, such as defined by István Bibó (Hungary as an independent nation-state on the French model) and their French counterparts (France as a universal model, especially for the small nations of East Central Europe struggling with German domination). The information transfers were controlled by a small group of "brokers". The internal and international crisis of 1905-1906 between Budapest and Vienna gave new importance to the French-Hungarian networks. They used the hope of an alliance between Hungarians and Slaves against German influence to increase political and cultural contacts between France and Hungary. The real turning point is to be situated between 1908 and 1910: the new political course in Budapest led both to the bankruptcy of French political illusions and to the division of French-Hungarian networks. Hardly concurrent "brokers" lost their influence, and French observers began to build their own information networks. For most of French observers, Hungary was no longer a modern and Francophile country, but an archaic and hostile nation. The First World War confirmed the failure of French-Hungarian networks.
PETRU NEGURÃ, Jeunes et anciens, pour le renouveau de la Bessarabie. Conflit générationnel et politique dans le milieu des écrivains bessarabiens de l’entre-deux-guerres, pp. 645-664
Young and Elders, For the Renewal of Bassarabia. Generational and Political Conflict in the Literary Bessarabien Milieu between the Wars
The paper examines the making of a Romanian national and regional identity in Bassarabia after the union with Romania in 1918 by taking in the issues and conflicts moulding the Bassarabian literary milieu in the interwar period. Based on detailed case studies and constantly addressing the enlarged political and historical context of Greater Romania, it investigates the distinctions and ten sions between the two generations active in the cultural arena, the "Elders" and the "Young", with their different cultural background and contradictory affiliations and sensibilities, with theirs divergent views on the role of the Bassarabian culture and politics.
ALEXANDRA PETRESCU, Pouvoir aux femmes ou femmes au pouvoir? Le mouvement des femmes roumaines en débat (1929-1944), pp. 665-694
Power to the Women or Women in Power? Debating the Romanian Women's Movement: 1929-1944
The author places the beginnings of the "de-construction" of feminism in Romania in the timeframe between 1929 and 1944. It was a period of confrontation among the organizations and their leaders, especially within the two major organizations, respectively the Union of Romanian Women, with its leaders Maria Bãiulescu and Elena Meissener, and the National Group of Romanian Women, represented by Alexandrina Cantacuzino. The theoretical conflict between the two associations concerned the participation of women in the structures of parties: the Union of Romanian Women was favorable to participation in the existing structures, while the National Group of Romanian Women sought to create a separate party of women. Meantime, some regulatory breakthroughs for women's participation in political affairs were the Administrative Law of 1929, granting women the right to vote in local elections (maintaining the electoral colleges based on class and property qualifications), and the Law of 1939 further extending women's suffrage to the general elections, as King Charles II's authoritarian regime planned the inclusion of women in the Front of National Rebirth. In the conditions of WWII, the Romanian feminist movement underwent a change in emphasis from a preoccupation with political rights, to the destiny of soldiers of the front, and a return to the initial purpose of charity. This shift is also due to the authoritarian regime of Antonescu, which forced women to reinitiate the charity programme, one that was never really abandoned, but which had been somewhat shadowed by the struggle for political rights.
RÃZVAN PANTELIMON, „Unitatea politicã a clasei muncitoare“. Agitație și propagandã în Ialomița, 1944-1948, pp. 695-706
"The Political Cohesion of the Working Class". Agitation and Propaganda in the Ialomiþa District, between 1944 and 1948
The unification process for the workers' movements was the final step for the communists in their effort to gain total control of the political power. The tactics of the Romanian Communist Party (PCR) were labeled "the salami tactics" because the party progressively eliminated all their enemies and used conjectural allies - such as the social democrats (PSD) - in order to reach their aim. This article describes the process whereby the organization of the PCR in alliance with the PSD obtained political power in the period 1945-1948 in the Ialomiþa county. The author focuses his analysis on two types of actions: the violent overtake of the local power (including mayors, police officers, governmental representatives, etc.) and the unification of the PCR and PSD in order to achieve a Single Workers' Party, in which the communists prevailed. As a result of the unification process, according to the official records, almost 7% of the population in this county was a member of the Single Workers' Party in February 1948. The Ialomiþa County is a very interesting, yet paradigmatic case, because in that period the region was a predominantly agricultural, with a small working class (2%), and the communists could not seize power by legal means. The study mainly relies upon local archival documents and upon the contemporary local media reports, which are carefully examined to discern between actual relevant data and their propagandistic content.
ALEXANDRU STÃICULESCU, Contradicțiile unei gândiri moarte. Filosofie marxistã în România comunistã, pp. 707-726
The Inconsistencies of an Extinct Philosophy. Marxist Philosophy in Communist Romania
The article is an account of Romanian Marxist discourse between 1970 and 1980, one that was completely engaged in the justification and legitimation of the contemporary totalitarian political regime. Radu Florian's works, one of the most representative authors of this decade, are analyzed via the conceptual lenses of Austrian economic theory. This methodological approach is quite fertile, since it generates clear explanations why Marxist theory and the communist state incarnating its teachings could not and cannot implement their claims. The samples of Romanian Marxist discourse under scrutiny are a showcase of philosophy invaded by rhetoric and converted into ideology. The author con cludes that Romanian Marxism in the designated period represents a long line of contradictions resulting from the attempt to adapt a cruel reality to a gener ous and humane self-construction of a political programme.
CRISTINA PETRESCU, DRAGOȘ PETRESCU, How Communism Turned into History. Vladimir Tismãneanu as Historian of Romanian Communism, pp. 727-732
Fifteen years after its collapse, communism has undoubtedly become part or Romania's recent past. Although this period is now the historians' field of research, its study remains indebted to the pre-1989 evaluations made by Western political scientists. Among those who contributed to the understanding or Romanian communism, Vladimir Tismãneanu features prominently. This essay reviews the concepts coined by this author - such as national Stalinism or dynastic communism - and underlines the interpretations he proposed for some particular episodes - such as the power struggle based on three centers or the emergence of Marxism revisionism as the prerequisite for internal liberalization.
DRAGOȘ DRAGOMAN, Capital social et tolérance ethnique. Coopération, confiance et préjugés ethniques en Roumanie, pp. 733-751
Social Capital and Ethnic Tolerance. Cooperation, Trust and Ethnic Prejudice in Romania
Even today, before its effective European integration, Romania still witnesses strong diversity refusal at the general public level. This research paper deals with the Romanian majority representations of two of the most visible ethnic minorities in Romania - Hungarians and Gypsies - and pays attention to significant attitudes of discrimination and intolerance. Moreover, it examines some of the most important factors for ethnic tolerance. The social capital theory sets that participation in secondary organizations is a certain source for civic values, social trust and positive norms of reciprocity, commitment, honesty, tolerance and mutual respect. But in Romania the effects of participation are weaker than expected in this respect. The most important factors for tolerance are ethnic contact and - especially for the Gypsies - the spread of ethnic prejudices. Even education appears less important, a possible solution for the future development of ethnic tolerance is multicultural education, which offers the chance of a contact between still separated ethnic cultures in Romania.
RALUCA ALEXANDREESCU, Cronologia vieții politice din România, 1 aprilie – 30 iunie 2005, pp. 755-775
HARTMUT KAELBLE (edited by), The European Way. European Societies during the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, Berghahn Books, New York / Oxford, 2004 (SILVIA MARTON), pp. 779-780
TOADER NICOARÃ, Sentimentul de insecuritate în societatea româneascã la începutul timpurilor moderne (1600-1830), vol. I-II, Editura Accent & Presa Universitarã Clujeanã, col. „Syllabus-Historia“, Cluj-Napoca, 2002-2005 (FLORIN DIACONU), pp. 781-783
LUCIAN NASTASÃ, LEVENTE SALAT (editori), Maghiarii din România și etica minoritarã (1920-1940), Centrul de Resurse pentru Diversitate Etnoculturalã, Cluj-Napoca, 2003 (ALINA POP), pp. 783-786
VIRGILIU ȚÂRÃU, Alegeri fãrã opțiune: Primele scrutinuri parlamentare din Centrul și Estul Europei dupã cel de-al Doilea Rãzboi Mondial, Editura Eikon, Cluj-Napoca, 2005 (CRISTINA PETRESCU), pp. 786-788.
KATHERINE VERDERY, The Vanishing Hectare. Property and Value in Post-socialist Transylvania, Cornell University Press, Ithaca and London, 2003 (DANIEL BARBU), pp. 789-791
LUCIAN NASTASÃ, Intelectualii și promovarea socialã în România. Pentru o morfologie a câmpului universitar (sec. XIX-XX), cuvânt înainte de OVIDIU PECICAN, Editura Limes, Cluj-Napoca, 2004 (SILVIA MARTON), pp. 792-796
CORNEL SIGMIREAN, Istoria formãrii intelectualitãții românești din Transilvania și Banat în epoca modernã, prefațã de NlCOLAE BOCAN, Presa Universitarã Clujeanã, Cluj-Napoca, 2000 (SILVIA MARTON), pp. 792-796
ELENA SIUPIUR, Intelectuali, elite, clase politice moderne în sud-estul european. Secolul XIX, Editura Domino, București, 2004 (SILVIA MARTON), pp. 792-796
Caiete de Antropologie Istoricã („Oamenii și moartea în societatea româneascã“), Anul III, nr. 1-2 (5-6), ianuarie-decembrie 2004 (IONELA BÃLUȚÃ), pp. 796-797